Jo Mannies weighs in with more on the Carnahan smear campaign against Ed Martin, taking more information from Michael Corwin, and failing to see that he contradicts his conversations with other reporters.
I'll start by pointing out that It doesn't matter to me what Michael Corwin, Teri Powers, or the Carnahan campaign say to reporters. What will matter is what they say to the FBI when a prison term of five years for McCain/Feingold violations stares them in the face.
Corwin makes the first mistake, claiming he knows FEC laws, but contradicting himself in stating why he decided to wait to put up the website.
Corwin earlier said the duo parted ways with the campaign in May or June...
...Corwin emphasized that he regularly does opposition research for Democratic candidates around the country, and therefore is mindful of the FEC restrictions on candidates. Independent activities -- such as Corwin's website -- cannot be coordinated with a campaign.
The May/June timeframe that Corwin claims he left the Carnahan campaign is of special importance. One, it gives investigators the ability to pinpoint when Veritas Research was actually hired. If it was hired in May or June, then you'll have phone records, emails, and invoices, as well as the testimony of staff and Carnahan himself on why they brought in Dillon, how long she worked on information, and how much applied to the smear site Veritas Research built.
When weighing Corwin's testimony, keep in mind that Veritas Research LLC did not exist until July 23rd, when it was incorporated in the state of Colorado. That's when Jeannine Dillon registered the company. To claim that Corwin left in a huff because Carnahan wouldn't run with his information suggests that both Dillon and Corwin were working for free for months before they even bothered to incorporate the media company. The Carnahan campaign would be the first, and probably the only client of Veritas Research.
Also keep in mind that there are two payments to Veritas Research, one August 2nd and one September 27. This would mean that Carnahan was paying bills at over 120 days, and that there were two separate invoices, one written just 20 days after the company sprang into existence. We're to believe that the campaign contacted Dillon, who hired Corwin, but they didn't bother to get a bank account, EIN, or incorporation until right before the first check arrived. And with no prior history, we're to believe that $6495 was agreed to as a payment for a company that did not exist and had no track record.
If there is no evidence of invoices, meetings, plane tickets, conference calls, or expenses at that time, it becomes pretty clear that Corwin is lying about the timeframe so that he doesn't fall afoul of the FEC law barring campaigns from coordinating with independent expenditure. But Corwin, who says he knows the law and recently added a new line to his website claiming he is in compliance, doesn't address the 120 day rule.
The site went live on October 19th. if you track back 120 days you get June 21st as 120 days. To not break the law, Corwin would have had to break off from the campaign no later than June 21st. The purchase of the website domain may complicate that, as it would push the window back to May 31. It's rather convenient that the time Corwin says he left the campaign is so very close to 120 days. For his sake, he better have evidence to back that up if he plans to tell that story to the FBI.
Corwin said that he and Dillon delayed purchasing the website name until she got paid, because they knew the Carnahan campaign would be upset if it learned about the site before it went online. Dillon feared she might then lose the money she was owed, he said.
This is where Corwin contradicts himself. He says they were waiting for the $1995 payment before buying the site to make sure Carnahan paid Dillon. In that statement, he suggests that he wasn't actually waiting 120 days, but instead was waiting on a check. If Dillon had been paid in July, they would have launched the site then, clearly violating the 120 day rule.
So which was it? Was it his knowledge and adherence to FEC rules, or was it the desire to get paid?
Also note that Mannies doesn't ask the question about the $4500 paid to Veritas Research on August 2nd.
Speaking of Veritas, let's address Victor Arango and Jeannine Dillon. Keep in mind that it was this blog that told you Veritas Research was a false flag. The amended report was filed by someone. How did that someone get the address of the research department in Arizona? Will they testify why they had the wrong address? I ask because the report was filed only after I found it and published it. That means an error was made, and someone has to describe why it was made, and how they came up with the Arizona address. It was also this blog that uncovered Victor Arango as a hidden third hand in the operation. Without that research, the Carnahan campaign wouldn't have refiled their report, and no one would known that the media company hired by the Carnahan was actually run by Jeannine Dillon.
And that's the problem. Jeannine Dillon is listed on the site. She's listed as an independent journalist, but she formed Veritas Research, just 10 days before getting her first check,. She was the media company hired by the Carnahan campaign. If Corwin has been telling the truth, why didn't he just come out and say that Jeannine Dillon hired him?
If Corwin was telling the truth, why did he say this to Nicholas Phillips of the Riverfront Times?
Corwin says he was asked to do research on Ed Martin through a media company hired by Team Carnahan. When he discovered what he perceived to be a nexus between Martin, the Curia (a deliberative body within the Archdiocese), and pedophile priests, however, he says that Carnahan's staff decided to pass on it because "they didn't want to alienate the Catholic vote."
So, Corwin says, he severed ties with the democrat's campaign and teamed up with journalist Jeannine Dillon to pursue the story independently.
Corwin misled Phillips to make it look like he was paid directly by the Carnahan campaign, when in fact it was Dillon all along who was the vendor. And it leads to the question - did the Carnahan campaign fire Corwin? Did he leave on his own accord? Did the Carnahan campaign sever ties with Veritas Research, or did they simply tell Corwin to leave? Why hasn't Jeannine Dillon or Victor Arango spoken to this?
Note that Michael Corwin has taken the lead on media interviews, speaking to the Daily Caller, RFT, Beacon, and KTVI. Jeannine Dillon has said nothing, nor has Victor Arango. But it wasn't Corwin who was paid by the campaign. Corwin was paid by Dillon.
So first, take everything you hear from Michael Corwin with a grain of salt. He has attempted to mislead reporters about his relationship with Jeannine Dillon, his relationship with the Carnahan campaign, and quite likely the timeline in which he worked with the Carnahan campaign. Second, it hasn't yet been addressed, but how do journalists like Mannies, Phillips, Jaco, and the Amanda feel about reporting on a website that was launched through an anonymous online campaign from a former Emmy winning producer? Is that the kind of journalistic professionalism they expect to exhibit when they leave the business?
Is it okay to directly mislead reporters about where information and money comes from when attacking a candidate? Or is that okay, as long as you don't get caught. Mannies especially has some explaining to do. In attempting to do straight reporting, she's been used by Michael Corwin. I'd like to know what she thinks about that.